نشریه تحقیقات سیاسی و بین المللی
پیاپی 19 (تابستان 1393)

One of the ways to strengthen peace and security in national and international level is creation of agreements in disarmament and arms control. Arms control and disarmament both are important and effective instruments in security of the countries from the view point of process, content and regulations because on the one hand it removes the ambiguities in the military and foreign policy behavior of the governments and increases the stability and on the other hand membership in these treaties have particular security implications like the Non-Proliferation Treaty which relatively limits the sovereignty of the countries. The present article by a descriptive-analytical method wants to illustrate the security implications of the membership of Iran in disarmament and arms control treaties. Iran by joining the membership of Non-Proliferation Treaty in 1968 has accepted specific security obligations. The present article by examining security implications of Iran’s membership of Non-Proliferation Treaty has arrived at this conclusion that the above treaty besides weakening and limiting the security of Iran undermines military, scientific and industrial power also.

Diplomacy as a subject area in international relations has been the object of analysis by game theory theorist. From the view point of these theorists in the simplest form of diplomacy between countries it is assumed that there are two governments. One of them gives suggestion and the other one has several options before it. One accepts the offered suggestion; the other suggests a mutual option or disrupts the negotiation. If the second party puts forward mutual suggestion option, the first government faces a similar scenario which mentioned above. This process eventually ends with acceptance of one option or disrupting the whole game. One of the basic factors in choosing among different options is the expecting value of the gain which a government guesses can get from the option before her taking into consideration the passage of time. Taking into view the above principle, the negotiations of the Islamic Republic of Iran with 5+1 have gone through ups and downs. Both the parties for reaching a common solution and taking further steps have gone through a lengthy path. Meanwhile different actors with their own interest in mind have tried to follow and accompany the negotiating parties. Among these actors Israel has tried its best to weaken Iran’s position in negotiations process. From the view point of the authorities of Israel regime conclusion of any agreement which recognizes Iran’s right to enrichment is not good news for Israel. The inherent suspicion and distrust of Iran does not allow Israel to wish success for such agreement. But on the other hand Israel fears her isolation and she is compelled to accept such agreement. The present article wants to answer this question that from Israel view point what feature ideal final result of 5+1 and Iran negotiation has and what activities Israel have done to bring about that ideal model. In this direction the paper has tried to analyze the problem within the framework of game theory with zero-sum result. The cost which both parties i.e. Iran (player A) and Israel (player B) pay (in terms of policies which they pursue) between 2007 and 2012 have evaluated and analyzed.

After the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks the priorities in the agenda of bilateral relations of Mexico and the United States changed and new agreements like alliance for security and economic boom for North America, intelligent border letter of understanding etc. were signed between the two countries. The present paper shows that after 11September terrorist attacks “security” became the prime and most important priority in the United States foreign policy agenda with its southern neighbor. Although for Mexican party problem like emigration and economy was having greater importance. The United States for improving its lost security brought Mexico into security pacts; practically Mexico was forced to accept security pacts. In the post 11September time the economic objectives of Mexico was not accomplished within the bilateral pacts with the United States, for this reason Mexico despite the United States pressure turned to the Middle East countries to fulfill its economic priorities. As a result the tension emerged in diplomatic relations between the United States and Mexico. One of the sign of these tensions was manifested in the opposition of the Mexican statesmen to the United States military invasion of Iraq in 2003. The present article by an analytical method examines the above issue.

From historical view point geopolitical factors have encouraged the politicians to be ambitious. Countries of the world by making use of geopolitical potentials try to maintain stability and promote their status in world affairs. Among the countries of the Persian Gulf region Qatar is one of those countries which in recent regional developments have had geopolitical dynamic and have played prominent role which is beyond its reality of political geography. In today’s structure of pyramid of power hierarchy Qatar is considered as a local power. Despite being a small country with less population and situating between two regional powers, little historical background, territorial disputes with neighbors, hereditary political system and lack of strategic depth has been able to have an active foreign policy in the region and world which is beyond its real position. The present article wants to understand and analyze the reasons behind this active regional and extra-regional foreign policy. In this direction the objectives and strategies of this country are examined. It seems that there are several factors arising from geopolitics, geo-economy and ample financial resources which is responsible for its active foreign policy and the expansion of her influence. These factors are resort to mediation diplomacy, making use of political-economy strategy, media diplomacy, sport activities, religion, détente with neighbors, settling territorial disputes and hosting political and scientific conferences.

The geo-economic position and the extent of oil and gas reserves in Central Asia in the past two decades have given an important place to this region in international equations. Besides that, the occurrence of 11September 2001 terrorist attacks and the neighborhood of Central Asia with crises centers and issues like terrorism, cultivation and smuggling of narcotic drugs and fundamentalism have raised the geopolitical importance of the region and prepared the ground for big powers presence. The dispute between Russia and Ukraine in 2008 and 2014 and suspension of natural gas supply to European countries necessitated the search for new source of energy by European Union and they thus, turned to the expansion of relations with Central Asian countries. The sphere of relations was further expanded after the Lisbon Treaty which was an attempt to bring efficiency and coherence to EU place in international system. This convention emphasized on propagation of European values and expansion of relations of EU with the developing countries. The present article examines the causes and grounds of changing role of energy in cooperation of European Union with Central Asian countries and the role and impact of Lisbon Treaty in expansion and institutionalization of these relations in the past two decades. The main question raised by the paper is; what is the place of Central Asia in security of energy of European Union? The underlying hypothesis is the use of energy by Russia as a lever for putting pressure against European Union also the growing need of European Union for import of energy sources have prepared the ground for expansion of cooperation between the European Union and the Central Asian countries. While the relations of European Union with Russia is strained, the expansion of relations of European Union with Central Asian countries can facilitate the process of putting pressure on Russia and will lead to a better negotiating power for European Union vis-à-vis Russia. The finding of the study shows that the European Union has come to the conclusion that asymmetric and imbalanced dependence on Russia for energy and the security threat and repercussion resulted from it in recent years can be balanced by expansion of relations with Central Asian countries and diversification of sources of energy.

Cultural diplomacy means achieving national interests by cultural means. Cultural diplomacy gives opportunity to a country to introduce her culture, society and people to others and by increasing her personal connections among different peoples of different countries they are enabled to make their political ideals and politics attractive in the eye of public opinion. The main goal of cultural diplomacy is presenting justifiable and clear picture of cultural values and behavior o an actor for different actors of international arena which includes governments, international governmental and non-governmental organizations, institutions of civil society and public opinion. For understanding cultural diplomacy of each country a comprehension of the grounds and procedure of formation and shaping of it is necessary. The Iranian-Islamic cultural diplomacy by taking advantage of the language of Islamic revolution and under the guidance of Islamic revolution leader was formulated and its foundation was laid in the initial stage of forming the Islamic system. In the next stage this cultural diplomacy was developed and deepened and changed into a full-fledged dialogue in public diplomacy of Iran. The main objective of the present research is identifying the semiotics of elements, metaphors and the ingredients of representation of cultural diplomacy and examining the role of language in creating dialogue of cultural diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The methodology of the present article is discourse analysis.

This article tries to explore the main causes of emigration of Iranian educated specialists from Iran from the view point of shortage of research and educational facilities and problems related to them with focus on 2001 decade (1380-1390 Iranian years). Main part of educational and research institutions are financed and managed by state planning and budget. That is where the government is involved in society and political economy area. On the other hand the factors that attract educated elite of different countries can be seen in world political economy. The aim of the present article is proper understanding of the factors pertaining to the structure of education and research in Iran and the way the weaknesses of this structure affects the intensification of emigration of best educated and specialist to abroad. For this allocation of budget in educational and research fields are examined within the framework of attraction and repulsion theory and the attractive and repulsive factors are identified which creates the potential condition for emigration of the elite to abroad. The finding of the study shows that factor like lack of economic support which includes little investment in educational and research sector are the factors that accelerate emigration of the elite. These factors can be seen in several indexes like the ratio of research budget to gross domestic product of the country, the ratio of active researcher to the population of the country and allocation of research of budget by private and public sector. On the other hand in the developed countries in the above said indexes ample facilities are provided which act as an attractive factor for absorbing educated specialists and elite. The above factors are among the most important economic factors of emigration of scientific elite to abroad in 2001 decade (1380-1390 Iranian years). The paper has used descriptive-analytical method in analyzing data.

In today’s world one of the main elements constituting the power is high technologies. High technology is behind political, economic, military, cultural and information power. The developments of high technologies have led to change in dimension, sphere, forms and mechanism of power in international scene. These developments have confronted the countries with new problems and one of these problems is technology diplomacy. Taking into consideration West’s technological sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran; the present article wants to answer this question that how technological diplomacy of Iran can provide the security and defense needs of the country? It seems that for obtaining defense related technologies; the country has to know the international limitations on the way of procuring technical needs. Iran has to find institutional and technical ways of technology diplomacy to bypass sanctions and legal and political limitations and this can be possible by relying on regionalism and policy of détente. The methodology used in the article is descriptive and secondary analysis and the theoretical framework is regionalism.